Death of the Press in Eritrea

Eritrea, briefly covered this week during our discussion of Ethiopia, is a curious country. It hasn't even turned 20 yet--independence from Ethiopia was only achieved in 1993 after a war between the two states. It continues to face international criticism for its alleged support of Sudanese rebel groups, and some dispute remains over the border with Ethiopia. The country has been governed by a single-party system led by Isaias Afworki since independence with an unratified constitution and elections that have been suspended "indefinitely".

This Reuters article reports on the deaths of four journalists in Eritrea. Reporters without Borders, a global non-profit that monitors press freedom around the world, confirmed that at least three, possibly four, reporters died in the country after being imprisoned for years. It is difficult to verify these claims because Eritrea is classified as "not free" according to the Press Freedom Index. Eritrea has no independent media and has a history of harassing non-compliant and foreign journalists. Eritrea has a poor track record as far as human rights are concerned, as well, but consistently denies these accusations and says that these rights groups are "working for foreign intelligence services" in order to undermine the Eritrean government.

A nationalized or tightly restricted press is often key to authoritarian regimes. Neopatrimonial leaders do not want information to be widely available to their citizens, and they do not want them to be able to communicate easily--Zaire's Mobutu displayed this tendency when he destroyed miles and miles of roads. As we discussed in class on Friday, one of the factors that has contributed to the violent reaction in Muslim countries to the controversial Mohammed video was that they assumed that it was from a state-backed source because that is how they receive information in their own countries. Freedom of the press is critical to democracy because it allows for debate and criticism of the ruling party or of the leader. Neopatrimonialist regimes do not tolerate dissent, so they forbid this freedom. Clearly, Eritrea's poor ratings from a variety of international organizations and a "morgue" verdict for their leader imply that they have a long way to go before democracy (and journalists) have a shot at survival.

Eritrean Leader according to the African Leadership Index (2012)

Sources: 

CIA World Factbook: Eritrea 

--https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/er.html

African Leadership Index 2012

The Decline of Democracy in The Gambia

In Steven Radelet’s chapter from Emerging Africa (Friday's reading), he concludes how democratization is not always a clear path to success in a country.  Various things can go wrong at any time, and democracy is not something set in stone.  A country cannot just meet a few things off a checklist and become a democratic nation.  Despite these problems, democracy has shown that it increases the quality of governance.  The Gambia is one of those countries that didn’t stay on the right path.  It was one of the few countries that could be labeled as a democracy in the 1980’s, but was driven off after a coup (Radelet 51).

Recent news in The Gambia, report the country as violating numerous human rights towards its people (“Gambia”).  President Yahya Jammeh, who succeeded after the 1994 coup, is the current leader in The Gambia.  He is a borderline dictator and surprisingly enough, the East African Leader Index graded him as “Morgue” (“The East African”).  Jammeh has extensive military experience, having served as a Captain with the Gambian Forces for 29 years (“The East African”).  I say he is a borderline dictator because he does, for the most part, provide for his people.  He gave away 114 tractors to help with the food production, allows elections, and has strong support from the people.  Of course, as Radelet said, having a few bullets from democracy does not make it a democracy.  Elections have been criticized as being rigged, and intimidating to the people (not wanting to vote him out due to some fear of their future).

AllAfrica.com reports how Jammeh has been executing inmates without justification, trials, and warnings (“Gambia”).  However, with huge pressure from international organizations the executions have been halted.  The Gambian government is notorious for making people disappear, silencing the media, and other abuses without being held accountable (“Gambia”).  I find it sad how some of Africa’s problems have to be dealt with by external forces.  Yet, with the limiting government and intimidation put on the citizens of The Gambia, little actions can be done on their end. 

I chose this article because democracy is not done with one thing only, as Radelet stated in his chapter.  This is a clear example of how a country which started with numerous categories that set it up democratically, ended in the path which optimists hope not to see.  We should care about this article, as it could happen to any country.  Democracy does not grow overnight.  It is a long and sometimes dangerous route for a nation to take, with immediate failure at any turn.  No country is vulnerable, and those which claim to be democratic could fall to the ruins of authoritarian regimes.  It is up to the people of any country to be active and participate in their government.  Without the continuous consent of the people, then the continuing abuse by the government will prevail.

“Gambia: Stepping Up Pressure On Human Rights.”  allAfrica Sept. 2012.  Web.  23 Sept.  2012.

Radelet, Steven.  Emerging Africa.  Washington, DC:  Brookings Institution Press.  2010.  Web.
"African Leader Index" by The East Africa (2012).

The Life and Death of Meles Zenawi

     Though it has been three weeks since it first was reported, the announcement of Meles Zenawi's death still rings in many Ethiopian's ears. For some it is a devastating confirmation of the rumors of Zenawi's health, for others it is a hesitant, but hopeful, relief. Zenawi's nearly twenty year reign is one surrounded by much controversy, humanitarian disapproval, and foreign intimacy.

   Zenawi first appeared in the political sphere when he joined the TPLF (Tigray People's Liberation Front) as a guerilla fighter in attempts to overthrow the then dictatorship of the Derg. Zenawi's party was successful in dissolving the regime, and Zenawi was eventually sworn in as the post cold-war prime minister in 1995. During his regime Ethiopia did experience positive growth. Zenawi was able to oversee significant upward economic mobility for the country; thus making it the leading African country in GDP growth by 2011. Another positive aspect to shine light on is the considerable reduction in infant mortality rates since the beginning of his rule. Zenawi also forged strong bonds between many important nations such as the U.S. and China. Both nations saw him as a valuable ally not only in East Africa, but the whole continent. Though despite this rapid progress, the advancements were not felt by many Ethiopians.

  Zenawi's nearly twenty year reign was notorious to being accused of political oppression, human rights abuses, and marginalization of ethnic groups. Zenawi's regime resembled that of a hybrid regime in that it appeared as a bureaucracy, but the government was actually dictated by him and his supporters who were in the same ethnic group as him. Not only did Zenawi favor his fellow Tigray people in political positions, but also in matters of aid distribution. This caused a never-before-seen distinct national divide between the Tigray, Amhara, Oromo, Ogaden, and Muslim communities. His push for ethnic nationalism over a unified nation created animosity between the ethnic groups, and in part was the reason for the divide with Eritrea. Furthermore, Zenawi in some cases went as far as re-possesing land from peasants of other ethnic groups and selling it to foreign countries. Though thousands have tried to protest and coordinate against the actions of Zenawi, their attempts have always met a forceful, violent response from the regime. When I visited Ethiopia in 2005 (1997 in their calendar) they were holding prime minister elections. Due to a ballot switch, Zenawi, of course, won the election. This sparked wide-spread anger around the country and protestors- who were mainly made up of college students- took to the streets of Addis (the capital). Zenawi ordered the military to open fire in the streets, killing approximately 200 college students and injuring more; Ethiopia was plunged into a state of crisis for several weeks. Also, even though Ethiopia's GDP is regarded as resembling a "China-like" boom, the country is still suffering with wide-spread malnutrition and one of the lowest human development scores.

 But now that he's dead, what is the future of Ethiopia? Human development and a reconnection between the ethnic groups is in many people's minds, but will Zenawi's regime have a lasting effect? This is important for the world to pay attention to because of what it means for US relations, and development in East Africa.

 

 

You Know What Really Grinds My Gears?

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You know what really grinds my gears? African Dictatorships.

Since when is it ok for a person to use public funds to finance a life of luxury and extravagance? When did this practice become ‘couth’?

It didn’t.

Son of an Equatorial Guinean dictator, Teodorin Obiang is set to purchase a $380 million yacht, that would become world’s 2^nd most expensive private boat—and that is just the tip.

The 41-year old son of dictator Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, comfortably spends his time in a $35 million mansion in Malibu, with a convoy of luxury cars and a private jet.

It is reported that the younger Obiang has effectively siphoned more than enough money from the public sector to finance his lavish escapades. As his monthly salary is $6,799- it would take 4,600 years for him to pay for the yacht.

But how does this man have keys to the Equatorial Guinean money vault?

O—he happens to be the country’s ‘agricultural minister’ (Even though he spends a majority of his time in California) (It must be for work purposes….) A position that he must have ‘earned’ within his father’s government.

If this doesn’t grind your gears, then you may want to ask one of the 80% of Equatorial Guinean citizens who fall below the poverty line, who will not have keys to the yacht.

This example is just one of the many relating to corrupt African politics.

It is these dictatorships that breed corruption and divide the population.

Effectively, African dictatorships are the seed of current political corruption, and a possible result of prior colonial rule- where Portugal ‘s (In this case) abandonment of Equatorial Guinea left a rat race for the throne.

These dictatorships enable greedy men to take what they want, and give back only what they want.

But do you blame it on the Portuguese? Or on greed?

Whatever the case, I want a yacht too.



Courtesy of Lauren Frayer
http://www.aolnews.com/2011/02/28/teodorin-obiang-african-dictators-son-orders-380-million-lux/ 

Electricity in Nigeria: An Example of Post-Colonial Decision Making in Africa

Nigeria’s President, Goodluck Jonathan, came into office in 2010 touting his dedication to rooting out corruption and promoting progress (Economist). Although Jonathan has sacked the country’s anti-corruption chief and emphasized much-needed electricity reform in last year’s election, Jonathan’s promises have unfortunately fallen short (African Leadership Index 2012, Economist).

Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan. Economist.com

According to Nicolas van de Walle’s essay, “Decision making in Post-Colonial Africa”, state controlled industries flourished throughout Africa after decolonization due to inherent patron-client relationships, dominant political ideologies, and low capacity.  Indeed, nationalization of the energy industry in Nigeria fits van de Walle’s theory.  Nigeria’s power sector has been plagued by corruption. Jonathan’s power minister, Barth Nnaji recently resigned under intense pressure from anti-privatization activists, seeking to block the government’s efforts to unbundle and sell off the Power Holding Company of Nigeria (Economist).

Currently monopolizing the power industry in Nigeria, the PHCN is prone to bloat, frequent power outages, and unidentified “ghost” workers (Economist). While privatization could have promised relief from these problems, investors still fear that the industry is too corrupt to be profitable (Economist). Indeed, while lingering postcolonial nationalization ideologies, corrupt clientelism, and low capacity still exist, privatization of public industries such as Nigeria’s power sector remains a distant hope.

 

 http://www.economist.com/node/21562246

Ebola Virus in DRC

According to Aljazeera.com, an outbreak of the Ebola virus risks spreading into larger towns of the Democratic Republic of Congo namely the country's capital Kinshasa. The outbreak is believed to have come from tainted bushmeat, and has already claimed 31 lives, according to the article. If the virus were to spread into Kinshasa the death toll could be outrageous because the health sector is crumbling and years of corruption have led to poor infrastructure. Especially Kinshasa, home to nine million people, is not prepared or properly equipped to deal with such an outbreak.

I picked this particular article because it demonstrates the negative effects that colonialism mixed with authoritarian rule can bring to a country. As a Belgium colony the DRC had murder, starvation and a plummeting birthrate during colonial years. Being ruled by an authoritarian leader led to more authoritarian rule after independence, according to the book When Things Fell Apart. Authoritarian regimes lead to exclusion, which leads to poor infrastructure. This is because money is spent on the leader and not on his country. 

Ebola is not something to take lightly. The virus is truly deadly, and the DRC is simply not prepared to deal with it. According to the theories in When Things Fell Apart, authoritarian regimes do not spend money where they should. This results in poor infrastructure and crumbling political institutions that, as the DRC demonstrates, cannot handle an outbreak of any kind. Based on these theories the death toll from Ebola in the DRC will rise significantly in the coming weeks because chances of an authoritarian regime tamping down on an outbreak before it reaches large population centers are slim. It's hard not to be affected by an article like this knowing how much these people have suffered, and it appears that they will suffer some more from Ebola.   

Article link: http://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2012/09/2012913165710650271.html