African Leaders Send Troops to Mali

I chose this week to write about Mali and the recent proposed intervention.  Leaders of 15 African countries have signed an agreement to intervene in Mali.  Troops will be sent to the Islamist-run Northern region of Mali. The Economic Community of Western States (ECOWAS) met in Nigeria earlier this week for an emergency summit to plot a military strategy seeking to wrest control of northern Mali back from Islamist groups. According to the BBC, the plan covers a six-month period, with a preparatory phase for training and for the establishment of bases in Mali's south, followed by combat operations in the north.

The UN has warned that the Islamist militias are imposing a harsh version of Shari’a law on the areas they controlled and that forced marriage, forced prostitution, and rape are becoming widespread. They also have earned international condemnation for destroying ancient tombs recognized as UN World Heritage sites, such as Timbuktu.   

Since the adoption of the resolution, the UN gave African leaders 45 days to draw up a military plan for intervention.  Though it’s reported they were hoping for 5,500 troops, the summit’s proposal commits just 3,300 troops, although it is assumed the UN still is looking for countries to contribute more troops to the cause.  The majority of the soldiers will come from Nigeria, Burkina Faso, and Niger, but they cannot be deployed until the UN Security Council and the African Union approves it. The UN vote is expected in the coming weeks, aiming for mid-December.

Leaders of African countries remain divided in their opinions. Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan said that forceful intervention was needed to avoid costly consequences and that “Nigeria fully supports the recommendations of chiefs of defense…for an intervention force to be immediately deployed to Mali to help restore order and stability there.” However, non-ECOWAS member Algeria, represented by Kalmal Rezzag Bara, a terrorism and security advisor to Algeria’s President, seemed less certain. Bara said that Mali’s current state is an “internal affair” and that ECOWAS “internationalizing the crisis would only aggravate the situation.” He recommended that Mali should be assisted in coming up with plan of action short of intervention to resolve the crisis.  Initially, ECOWAS wanted to reach an agreement with the rebels but, after months without result, the organization is turning towards intervention.  I think this is a very important story especially given Michael's heartbreak over Mali's rocky last year.  

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-20292797

http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/africa/state-tv-west-african-leaders-agree-to-send-troops-to-wrest-control-in-north-mali/2012/11/11/810515f6-2c49-11e2-b631-2aad9d9c73ac_story.html

http://www.cnn.com/2012/11/11/world/africa/mali-international-troops/index.html

You Don't Come Here to Live, You Come to Die.

In 2008, I traveled to the small country of Swaziland. I lived outside the capital city of Mbabane. My team and I worked within the community and local institutions to help those in need.

For the majority of my time in Swaziland, I worked in the pediatric ward of Mbabane Government Hospital, providing help to the nurses and other staff members. The staff was extremely overwhelmed with the number of HIV-related illnesses and HIV-orphaned children. Many children were neglected for days at a time because there was only one nurse caring for up to 100 patients. The Swazi people would say, “You do not come to this hospital to live; you come to die.” My time spent working in the hospital opened my eyes to the dire state of Swaziland.

“The impact of HIV has permeated every aspect of Swazi society. The extended family unit, a mainstay of Swazi culture, has been over stretched and this is compounded by rising unemployment, drought and lower national production.  HIV has given rise to the number of orphans and vulnerable children, child-headed families, grandparent headed families and single parent families.  The major challenge for Swaziland’s HIV and AIDS response remains that of halting the spread of HIV and reversing the impact on the society.” (UNAIDS, Swaziland Country Report, 2010, p.3)

The greatest impact of HIV continues to be manifested among children. HIV has contributed to the increasing the number of orphaned and vulnerable children, which is estimated to be 15% of the total Swazi population.  This has overwhelmed the capacity of the extended family and communities in caring for these orphaned children. This has resulted in the increased number of child-headed households, poverty, infant mortality rate, and HIV prevalence. In Swaziland alone, school enrollment has dropped 30% due to HIV/AIDS. Without education, these children have no means to overcome poverty.

“Global success in combating HIV/AIDS must be measured by its impact on our children and young people. Are they getting the information they need to protect themselves from HIV?  Are girls being empowered to take charge of their sexuality? These are the yardsticks for measuring our leaders.  We cannot let another generation be devastated by AIDS.” Carol Bellamy, UNICEF Executive Director.

UNICEF has developed an educational program that can be used within a variety of mediums and promoted by almost any educational or community institution. Life Skills Based Education (LSBE) programs promote young people to take control over their lives by empowering them to make informed responsible decisions. This program changes the attitudes and perceptions of HIV, while developing skills that result in the adoption of healthy behaviors. By empowering young women to take charge, LSBE can reduce HIV prevalence among the most at risk group: women ages 15-24, which is estimated to be around 50%. This is very important in reducing mother-to-child transmission rates and decreasing the number of orphaned children.

The most important reason Swaziland needs LSBE is because of  the extremely low life expectancy. The CIA ranks Swaziland last on the world’s life expectancy list for 2011. They declared the average life expectancy, of both men and women, to be approximately 31.88 years. This means that the average Swazi lives about 40% less than the global average. The low life expectancy is due directly to Swaziland’s high HIV prevalence rate. The average person only survives with HIV for about 11 years, if not using anti-retroviral drugs (UNAIDS, 2007). This means that young people, who contract the virus in their teens, will be dead by their late twenties. This has a profound effect on the children of Swaziland because many parents die before their children reach the age of 10.

HIV is an epidemic that debilitates the health, social, economic systems of Swaziland. The country will cease to exist if nothing is done. A gender specific and empowering educational program, like Life Skills Based Education, for the youth of Swaziland is the only viable solution. 

UNAIDS (2011) 'Report on the global AIDS epidemic'

UNICEF (2009) Talking Points: Life Skills http://www.unicef.org/lifeskills/files/TalkingPoints.pdf

UNAIDS (2010), Swaziland Country Report, 2010

CIA (2012), World Factbook, Country Report: Swaziland. 

Comittment Problems & Rebel Recruitment

 

        The circumstances surrounding African nation’s civil, political, and economic unrest are ridden with complexities; however the “resource dilemma” expanded by scholars and theorists such as Ross perhaps aid in understanding the complicated nature of some of the main issues these nations face. Resource rich nations that have an abundance of mineral wealth, such as oil, find that this is a double-edged sword; although it has the potential to bring them great financial wealth, it can foster insurgency. 

        Resource wealth is an extremely valuable tool for insurgent groups in the recruitment of new members. This type of funding aids recruitment by offering potential members a financial incentive in exchange for their alliance. However, as Ross discusses in his piece, resource wealth in rebel organizations can create severe issues of commitment that may ultimately undermine their goals. Since members are recruited through a short term financial goal, it is likely they're less committed to the organization's ideology and ultimate goals (Ross, 2004). Therefore, a resource rich rebel group could be successful in terms of initial recruitment, but could face issues with commitment, potentially undermining their success because of issues like abandonment down the road.

       So why does resource wealth continue to be such a powerful fuel behind insurgent groups and conflicts? Once recruited into the group through financial incentives, it can be easier to persuade individuals with the ideology of the group. Additionally, financial incentives tend to be powerful motivators for action, especially in communities and regions ridden with poverty. However resource wealth is only one facet of a complex network that makes up the circumstances of certain African nations.

Ross, M. L. (2004). How do natural resources influence civil war? evidence from thirteen cases. International Organization, 38(1), 35-67.

Mozambique: Resource Curse

Mozambique is one of the poorest countries in the world per capita. Paradoxically however it is one of the "African Lions," one of the African nations that is growing annually by 6% or more. How is this possible? Mozambique is abundant in natural resources, mostly fuel. Mozambique is home to rich natural gas and coal reserves that have helped propel the country economically, but most of this wealth does not trickle down to the average citizen.

According to Freedom House, Mozambique is ranked as partly free. The country achieved independence from Portugal in 1975, followed by a 16 year civil war that wreaked havoc on the country's infrastructure. In 1992 a peace deal was signed under the supervision of the UN, and the country made a slow transition to Democracy with the first elections being held in 1994.  Despite this government has been ripe with corruption which has stifled progress.

As a former colony of Portugal, many of the institutions in Mozambique were built as extractive, meant to be benefit the mother country. These institutions and there successors have helped allow for nations to exploit Mozambique for it's resources by making deals with leaders which help boost overall GDP, but do not help create a stable economy. Most of Mozambique's citizens live in rural areas, and depend on agriculture to sustain themselves. The rural masses have largely been ignored by the government, which has made little to no attempts to create economic reform. The Brazilian mining company, Vale, has recently invested in the country hoping to make big gains on the largely untapped resources beneath Mozambique's surface. If the government helps administer this form of FDI responsibly, it could create mining jobs for the millions of poor who struggle to get by and help stabilize the growth over a larger sect of the population. However as the resource curse has shown, the likelihood of this is low and the country will most likely resort to exploiting it's own resources at the cost of the masses.

Sources
Polgreen, Lydia. "Coal Boosts Mozambique as Rural Poor are left Behind" New York Times. 11.11.12 http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/11/world/africa/as-coal-boosts-mozambique-the-rural-poor-are-left-behind.html?pagewanted=1&hp

Freedom House. Mozambique 2011. 11/11/12 http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2011/mozambique

US State Department Visit to Somalia

Upon the conflict-ridden states of Africa, none are such a potent example of the violence in the region than Somalia. Considered a failed state, Somalia is infamous for its pirates who sail the coastal waters of the Gulf of Aden. However, the visit of Wendy Sherman, the under secretary of state for political affairs (ranked No. 4 in the State Department), to the still-dangerous region, reflects some positive change for the country.  She spent six-hours in the capital, Mogadishu, meeting with Somalia’s new president, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. Mohamud, a political newcomer, recently came into power in September and is the first president in two decades.

Although Mogadishu is nowhere near a prosperous or even safe city, the fact that such a high profile visit was possible is a positive step for the country. In addition to selecting a president, Somalia has also adopted a provisional constitution and selected members of Parliament. These may be the first steps towards rebuilding the failed state, after decades of civil war. So far, this is the first effective government since 1991 and though parts of the country remain lawless, the capital is somewhat secure.

The UN still has troops stationed in the country, and though the capital is free of rebels, other parts still remain under rebel control. During our class, we have talked about the instability and conflict found in many African countries. Somalia stands as an example of what other African countries could fall into, specifically a land with no government or state. The fact that Somalia now has a President, Prime Minister, and several members of Parliament are a strong and forward step towards becoming a state once again. Ms. Sherman’s visit last week is international confirmation that Somalia is making strides in the right direction.

Sources

Gettleman, Jeffrey. “State Dept. Official Visits Somalia Amid Signs of Recovery”. NY Times. 5 Nov 2012. http://www.nytimes.com/2012/11/06/world/africa/state-dept-official-visits-somalia-amid-recovery.html?ref=africa

Karimi, Faith. Somalia President Appoints Prime Minister. CNN. 7 October 2012. http://www.cnn.com/2012/10/07/world/africa/somalia-new-pm/index.html

Effective Strategy in the Battle Against AIDS

While much of the debate concerning the treatment and prevention of AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa has recently centered on cultural and educational perspectives, I believe effective strategy in tackling this epidemic rests significantly- if not solely- in an economic discussion. While I do think theories resting on how current social structures in sub-Saharan work to perpetuate the spread of HIV are interesting, I believe the implementation of strategy based on such theories waste time and money.

Given today’s sexual landscape in Africa, preventative measures spending millions on abstinence programs and similar avenues toward progress seem misguided, if not pointless. Slum sex has become a means of survival for orphaned children and single mothers (The Economist). What is the use in denying such realities by throwing up more “ABC” posters in hopes they will do more than the “abstain” posters? [Unfortunately] we must ask ourselves what do institutional leaders across the developed world care most about? Because while conversations on social stigma, faulty education and the like definitely generate new theories of why AIDS has an increasing and overwhelming presence in sub-Saharan Africa (i.e. the impact of western ad campaigns)- I think an in-depth economic impact of the virus on the international community holds the power to actually set the political agenda.

Due to the wide effectiveness of HAART (highly active antiretroviral therapy) in halting the AIDS epidemic in the western world, most conversation concerning the virus in these countries has logically shifted to that of prevention. This further lends toward my belief that treatment should be of first and foremost concern in Africa, much less money should be spent on preventative measures and the latter, as history has shown, will follow.  I honestly believe the true solution to the AIDS epidemic in Africa rests solely on what has worked for the rest of the world, and any discussion denying this by stating economic differences between the two “worlds” is misleading.  

Even in the late 80’s thousands of Americans accused the makers of the new ARV drugs of profit gouging and profiteering (Avert) because they couldn’t afford them, so it’s not as if the problem of cost has not impacted western nations as well.  This is where I believe pharmaceutical companies and the groups who exert pressure on them need to step up. While the immediate cost may be difficult to stomach in cutting the prices of these drugs substantially for sub-Saharan Africa, a sound economic impact is what I believe will put things in perspective for these institutional leaders. Some of the many highlights I envision in such a report would include HIV/AIDS effects on direct foreign investment, global trade, agriculture, workforce costs, etc.

http://www.montgomerycollege.edu/Departments/StudentJournal/volume3/SaraNielsen.pdf

 http://www.economist.com/blogs/baobab/2010/11/sex_africa

 

 

*sidenote- I apologize for not posting this by Monday's lecture, I had my due date mistaken for this coming Friday.

Is there any hope for the Swahili Coast?

The colonist-drawn borders through out the Swahili Coast led to the present-day borders of Kenya, Tanzania, Somalia, and Mozambique. Despite the colonist’s “intent” with borders in the coastal strip, the countries have continued to share an apparent culture, religion, and geography. These conflicting borders have been combined with an enormous amount of corruption, land raids, and inequality, leading to strong instability and an entrance for radical Islamists. Add to that the recent increase in riots, “church burnings, disappearances, and assassinations,” ends in the result is a rising in secession movements.

            Riots have increased dramatically after the short disappearance of Farid Ahmed, the leader of Uamsho. The Uamsho have demanded independence for Zanzibar, with radical policy issues ranging from alcohol consumption to tourist dress codes. Although they are denying any involvement in the church burnings, it’s clear that they have succeeded driving political and ethnic tensions into support for radical extremist.  Another group called the Mombasa Republic Council gained legal status this year and blames Kenya’s central government for the poverty that has taken over coastal regions. In addition, recent petroleum discoveries along the coast are adding to the fire. With more and more secession groups gaining support, the future isn’t looking bright.

            The biggest concern with the growth in these movements is the rising tension that could lead to an ultimate succession. If there is enough support and attempts become successful, the question will be upon the borders that historically cannot be changed. With a crumbling economy in the region (unemployment is about 30% and likely hire then reported), political reform is not out of the picture. Judging from our class discussions and the history of governments in Africa, it seems that coups are likely and instability could strike this region greater than it has in the past.

http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21565641-muslim-extremism-spreads-down-east-africa%E2%80%99s-coastline-contagion-discontent