Is China Good or Bad For Africa?

On October 20th it was reported that China's growing presence in Africa is becoming very large and seasoned analysts cannot decide whether this booming relationship is good or bad for Africa. Critics are saying that the Chinese's strategy is entirely self-promotional meaning that it is aimed at maintaining access to Africa's precious mineral resources even when that means propping up odious governments. China reports that the Asian superpower is strictly neutral and business-oriented that aims to generate economic growth not a dangerous dependency on aid. As far as Africa's economic growth, China has overall contributed in terms of trade and infrastructure. It has built roads, ports, airports, and more, filling a critical gap that western donors have been shy to provide and unblocking many roads to growth. The rehabilitated 840-mile Benguela rail line for example now connects Angola's coast with the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zambia; while Chinese-financed roads have reduced journey times from Ethiopia's hinterland to the port of Dijibouti facilitating livestock exports. The article then explores in more detail how China contributes to the Africa's economy. In contrast the argument is then made that oil and mining are not labor intensive industries; so even if natural resources are creating impressive headline growth figures, it does not necessarily translate into the spread of job creation. Also without watchful management, oil and mineral revenues have often fueled corruption which has severe negative impacts on a countries development. For example many African's complain that Chinese projects do not employ enough Africans or do enough to transfer skills and technology. The Article then expands on how Africa could use improvement on their policies with Chinese investors and Chinese relations in general.

I chose this article because I thought it was interesting that international investment into Africa has not been decided if it is good or bad at this point. Even though everything looks good on paper there is lingering negative impacts that could potentially hurt the nation. I also chose this article because it ties in with the concept of dependency theory and its history of negative impacts on many of the states in Africa like Nigeria. I think it’s hard to say what is going to happen because even the article is on the fence about the issue. I think it’s great that Chinese Investors are investing in the country with big projects like mining that help add to Africa's economy providing better roads and transportation of goods. But on the other hand it was also explained that many of these projects are not labor intensive and creates little work for Africa's citizens. This would not help poverty rates but it would show better economic statistics for the country as a whole. Since technology and skills are not being passed along, this leads to more dependency of Africa relying on countries like China to take advantage of natural resources to keep the country on its feet. Overall if the presence of China is controlled appropriately it has the potential of expanding enormous opportunity.

In order for this to work properly, I think African countries need to encourage Chinese Investment into more labor intensive sectors. Since Africa's populations are growing at a very fast rate, job creation is very important if it wants to take advantage of the opportunity of foreign investment. African countries also would need better terms with Chinese Investors that include quality control and better linkages with local economies. African governments could urge China to improve market access for African goods overseas, for example the World Trade Organization.

Sources:

"Is China Good or Bad for Africa?" â€“ Global Public Square. N.p., n.d. Web. 31 Oct. 2012. <http://globalpublicsquare.blogs.cnn.com/2012/10/29/is-china-good-or-bad-for-africa/?iref=allsearch>.

U.S. and Algeria Discuss Ousting Mali Militants

U.S. and Algeria Discuss Ousting Mali Militants

On October 29, 2012, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton met with Algerian president Abdelaziz Bouteflika. The traveled to Algeria to solicit their support in ousting the Islamic militants out of the northern areas of Mali, which have become a safe haven for terrorists.  These terrorist groups now include Al Qaeda.  Terrorists controlling northern Mali are not just a concern to the United States, it is also a concern for France (Mali’s former colonizer who maintains interests in its former colony) as well as many surrounding African nations. The UN has passed legislation outing its readiness to utilize international military force to remove these terrorists from the region in response to the Mali government’s cry for help. Algeria is a regional power in western Africa and its cooperation on this assault would be imperative for its success. (1) These talks are in response to a crisis that has been going on for several months now. Back in July, one regugee camp alone became home to 92,000 refugees at Mauritania’s remote eastern edge. The refugees describe and “influx of jihadists — some homegrown and others possibly from afar — intent on imposing an Islam of lash and gun on Malian Muslims who have long coexisted with Western tourists in the fabled town of Timbuktu.” (2) the outlook for these refugees is slim as they are malnourished, sick, and hungry. That just further emphasizes their resolve to escape the repressive situation that has become their lives from whence they fled. (2)

I chose this article because it ties to several of the course’s topics that we have discussed. One example is that intervening in northern Mali creates the risk of driving militants north into Algerian territory. This is evidence of the spillover effect of violence in African nations due to porous borders. Another example of a theme from class is France’s continued interests in Mali, even though Mali gained its independence its colonizer half a century ago. A third example of this article tying to depicting relatively democratized and successful African countries still facing immense challenges to their political systems. According to the African Leadership Index Mali ranks a B, is free, and is titled as a flawed democracy. Despite all of these advances, because of their relatively weak state system and neighbors they are still subject to the notion of two steps forward one step back when instances like coups occur within their borders. Further demonstrating the spillover and chain reaction of violence in other regional African countries, according to the article, “The fall of Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi in Libya prompted ethnic Tuareg rebels from Mali, who had been fighting alongside Colonel Qaddafi’s forces, to return to northern Mali with weapons from Libyan arsenals. They joined with Qaeda-affiliated Islamist militants who had moved to the lightly policed region from Algeria, and the two groups easily drove out the weakened Malian army in late March and early April.” (1)

Based on my understanding of the situation in Mali, I believe international intervention is essential to resolving this conflict. As the article alluded to, the current strategy is for the US and France to provide intelligence and training to Mali, Algerian, and other African armies to combat the terrorists directly. I believe this strategy is good because it not only keeps the US from directly getting involved in what has come to be known as “African Afghanistan” (2) but it will also empower Algeria and other regional powers to better be able to defend their own nations against similar acts.

Works Cited

1. Gordon, Michael R.. " U.S. and Algeria Discuss Ousting Mali Militants." The New York Times 29 Oct. 2012: n. pag. The New York Times. Web. 30 Oct. 2012.

2. Nossiter, Adam. "Jihadists’ Fierce Justice Drives Thousands to Flee Mali." The New York Times 17 July 2012: n. pag. The New York Times. Web. 30 Oct. 2012.

The Shifting State of Nigeria’s Democratic Process

Out of four model countries within the continent including South Africa, Egypt and Kenya, Nigeria is falling short of expectations. For the third year in a row, Mo Ibrahim withheld his prize recognizing excellence in African democracy, dropping an exceptionally unfavorable rating on Nigeria. Nigeria placed 14 out of 16 countries in the West African sub-region, also ranking 43 out 52 countries when considered for the award. Particular low points were matters of human rights, transparency and accountability (Tribune).

President Goodluck Jonathan recently claimed that Nigeria “was the second most improved country in Africa fighting corruption.” Yet all signs point to Jonathan and his administration as a source of corruption. The 2010 Transparency International Global Corruption Barometer claimed that three quarters of Nigerians see heightened corruption, namely among the police and politicians (Aljazeera).

Jonathan’s position resides within ethnic tension. The Ijaw, from which Jonathan hails, are quick to rally around him when his administration is criticized, creating exclusive claims to his leadership despite a variety of ethnic groups voting him into office. Consistent disruptions of ethnic violence, such as a killing spree in July that saw more than 100 dead, occur with only superficial repercussions from the military and Jonathan’s government. As ghosts of the previous military administration that was ousted by free elections in 1999, the current military has a vital role to play in the new era of democracy.

Following a clouded history prior to the country’s present government, the Nigerian military now has a clean slate and a cleaner influence in civil matters. The concern is whether the military can effectively limit its influence to matters conducive to the democratic system, such as improved handling of ethnic violence, and keep a clear distance from a political mantel.

As part of Nigeria’s shift into democracy the military was stripped of its civil authority. Military officers who participated in the nations enslavement were retired and junior officers were granted new positions within the system as national watchdogs loyal to the civil authorities (allAfrica). The military has assumed a place of pride in strengthening the democratic process rather than deflecting it. Senator Ibikunle Amosun, the Ogun State Governor recently stated: “…the only way the military could play such noble roles like their counterparts in developed societies is by subjecting themselves to the dictate of the constitution which embodies the sovereignty of the nation as well as democratic institutions and democratically elected authorities” (allAfrica).

The state of Nigeria’s people exists within a conundrum of huge oil wealth and extreme poverty. “More than 80 percent of Nigerians live on less than $2 a day despite the fact that Nigeria pumps 2.2m barrels a day of top grade oil.” The top 10 percent of income earners in Nigeria accounted for 38 percent of the country’s wealth in 2010. These elites absorb the large majority of the country’s wealth while most of the government’s budget goes towards frivolous expenditures (Aljazeera).

There is hope for Nigeria if Jonathan will deflect perceptions of corruption by publishing his own assets, assuaging ethnic tensions perpetuated by his own ethnic group, and implementing policies more accommodating to the poor populace rather than the elite.

sources:

“Fighting corruption in Nigeria requires action not words.” Aljazeera. 9 October 2012/

<http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2012/10/201210891018158911.html>

“Mo Ibrahim: Nigeria’s Low Rating.” Nigerian Tribune. 25 October 2012.

<http://tribune.com.ng/index.php/editorial/49739-mo-ibrahim-nigerias-low-rating>

“Nigeria: Democracy – Charting a Path for the Military.” allAfrica. 16 October 2012.  

<http://allafrica.com/stories/201210160393.html?viewall=1>

Kenyan Heroes Turn Out To Be Marijuana Growers

Mick, 62 and Sue, 63 were happily married and lived in a town called Diana in Kenya.  Originally from England, the couple moved to Kenya and were considered local heroes - they were very generous and giving to all of their new neighbors in Kenya. In fact, they even paid thousands of their own dollars to pay for childrens' school fees and medicine for friends. Now, however, Mick and Sue are in jail for three years in England. The reason is that uncovered in their Kenyan farmhouse was a massive marijuana grow operation, producing marijuana and essentially the money that Mick and Sue would use to give as aid. The article explores many local Kenyans who treated Mick and Sue like family - in fact one man was so appreciative of the financial support from Mick that he named his son after him.  However, many of those same people are very sad now that the financial aid will come to an end. Mick and Sue's peaceful marijuana growhouse has landed them in jail and away from their new friends in Kenya.  It should be noted that villagers were adamant that they never once saw Mick an Sue smoking the weed they grew. 

I thought this was interesting because even though the couple committed illegal crimes, they used the money to help many of the local citizens receive expensive medication and to send many local children to school.  However, once the growhouse was found, these do-gooders were sent directly back to England to jail.  While I am not saying I don't agree with the punishment, part of me is very sad that Mick and Sue got caught.  To me, it seems that they were doing more good than bad, which can be seen by the love of their fellow Kenyan villagers. Yet, it will be at least three long years before Mick and Sue can return to Kenya, or even leave jail.  There is only one thing I know for sure - Mick, Sue, and all of the villagers they helped are now worse off since this undercover marijuana growhouse has been discovered.

Link to original article: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/kenya/9621428/Kenyan-villagers-shock-at-benefactors-cannabis-fortune.html 

South Africa Leadership Under Pressure

South Africa might be sub-Saharan Africa’s most powerful nation but an extended mining strike and new allegations against the president have heightened the pressure on the ANC. The New York Times is reporting that president Jacob Zuma is now the subject of several probes investigating recent upgrades on his private home. These investigations are looking into how, “over…$27 million of government money came to be spent on upgrades to his private home, ostensibly for security (and how) tens of millions more dollars have been spent on roads around the compound and the village” (Polgreen).Surrounding villagers are complaining about how this president has not built anything for them, just for himself. Zuma claims that his family has paid for many of the renovations and that he had no idea what kind of security upgrades are being made and how much they might cost. It could be understandable if the upgrades that were put in place for security reasons, in a country where crime is out of control, were reasonable.  However, $27 MILLION worth of security is a little excessive. Especially in a country in which the inequality gap between the have and have-nots is growing wider.

I picked this issue because it is extremely relevant to class and it shows some of the cracks in the leadership of the ANC. This issue is important because South Africa is not just some little country that does not matter; it is the perceived leader of sub-Saharan Africa by most of the world and has the highest GDP on the continent. This extravagant spending reflects the high level of corruption that is rampant throughout South Africa, a country where the president can spend $27 million dollars of government money on his private home and get away with it. This is the type of behavior that one could expect from a Neopatrimonial ruler, not the head of a so called democratic state. If this investigation goes through and Zuma is found guilty, which is unlikely, it is not a foregone conclusion that he will face any repercussions for his actions. The ANC has won every election since the fall of Apartheid, and their grasp on power is firm. They tend to take care of their own and would probably help Zuma brush off the allegations. In fact, the ANC have covered the president in the past.  Zuma is not running on a clean slate: “questions about his personal finances have swirled for years; a bevy of corruption charges against him were dropped in 2009 amid allegations of prosecutorial misconduct” (Polgreen).

The timing of these allegations is bad because the ANC is already under immense pressure from the current mining strikes. They are probably going to sweep the financial issue with Zuma under the rug and end it as fast as possible. If they wanted to send a sign to the world that they are genuinely attempting to clean up corruption in government, they would hold Zuma accountable for his actions. However this is unlikely and these allegations will probably go away and the story will seize to be a serious issue.

Sources:

Peterson, Anders. Construction at Jacob Zuma's home in his birthplace of Nkandla, South Africa, in October. New York Times; October 24, 2012. 

Polgreen, Lydia. "South Africa's Zuma, Tested by Mining Crisis, Faces Crisis Close to Home". New York Times: October 23, 2012. Web. 

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/24/world/africa/south-africas-zumatested-by-mining-crisis-faces-scandal-close-to-home.html?ref=africa

The Humanitarian Challenge in the Failed State of Chad

http://redskynews.com/?p=4677

Recently, in the country of Chad, flooding has created a humanitarian disaster. Rising water levels have affected around 700,000 people in October alone, up from the projected 445,000 in September. Twenty deaths have been reported thus far in 16 of the 22 affected regions in the country, and 30,000 people have been forced to flee their homes. The disaster has exacerbated already growing issues of food insecurity, with 45% of the country experiencing strains, and cases of acute malnutrition in children jumping from 59,000 in 2010 to almost 100,000 in 2012. Combined with the discovery of locusts invading agricultural areas has created the need for a $3 million UN emergency fund to aid the people effected by the disaster.

            

The plight of the people of Chad has only been hindered by the corruption and inefficiencies of their government. Out of 177 countries surveyed in the Fund for Peace’s rankings of the top failed states in the world, Chad ranked 4^th. The country’s government, which has gone through several coups over the past few decades, has been corrupt, unstable, and has resulted in an unstable country that is unable to respond to humanitarian needs created by disasters such as the current flooding. President Idriss Déby, who overthrew the government in 1990, has set up a system under the guise of a democracy. The country has a constitution that establishes divisions of power in the government with a popularly elected executive, popularly elected legislature, and a judiciary. The true face of the system is more apparent when one notices that opposition leaders are detained, the freedom of the press is restricted, Déby has no term limits and almost total control in the country, corruption is rampant, elections results are regularly disputed, and the country has never seen a smooth transition of power. The fact that Chad is one of the most failed states in the world is a direct result of this misuse of power in the government. Instead of taking step to create measures that would help the impoverished population of the country, the people in charge have been too busy manipulating the system so that they can appear progressive to the rest of the world, and thereby acquire the international funding that goes to progressive governments.

            

If the current administration does not address the current disaster expediently, unrest in the country could develop quickly. Money needs to be redirected from government corruption into new housing projects and funding for the growing medical expenses in the hardest hit regions. Larger scale future reforms also need to be undertaken such as steps to enact a truly democratic system that is accountable to the people. The president should have limits to his regional powers such as term limits, and opposition should not be hindered to compete for a role in government. Déby should look towards countries like Botswana, which have built a strong infrastructure off of an educational system and democratic government that is responsive to the needs of the people. Being a country rich in oil resources, Chad should not have trouble finding a way to support its own people in time of crisis. With better governance and redirection of national funds towards sectors that would help build up the country, Chad could possibly one day avoid such large scale humanitarian disasters, but unfortunately at the present they are a long way off from that goal. 

Article: http://allafrica.com/stories/201210260754.html?viewall=1

Other Sources: http://www.fundforpeace.org/global/?q=fsi

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/4118482.stm

http://www.freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2012/chad

Picture: http://redskynews.com/?p=4677

Namibia's Nuclear Future

Namibian government officials have recently unveiled their plans for a nuclear energy facility.  Namibia is currently the fourth largest Uranium producer after Kazakhstan, Canada, and Australia.  This new stance nuclear energy presents Namibia with a huge opportunity to promote development and economic growth.  The nuclear energy plant has the potential to create thousands of jobs for Namibians and could even lighten the economic load that is currently resting on the shoulders of its tourism industry.  The tourism industry is skeptical about negative environmental effects that increased mining and uranium production could cause.  They are also worried about the construction of the nuclear power plant, claiming that it would blemish the spectacular landscapes that make Namibia such a large tourist destination, especially in the regions containing the Namib Desert and the coasts.  Where environmentalists and workers in the tourism sector are fearful, much of Namibia's population are hopeful for the prospect for new jobs and increased accessibility to energy, as well as the increase to GDP for the Sub-Saharan country.  

Of course, increased Nuclear production draws eyes from the international community concerned with the possibility of creating nuclear weapons.  This is a concern for Namibia because Iran has a considerable stake in Namibia's oldest Uranium mines, Rossing Uranium.  Namibia has attempted to quell international skepticism by proclaiming that their Nuclear program will be used for strictly peaceful purposes, and has no intentions of developing a weapons program.  Their plan looks promising, but it will be interesting to see if the new program escapes government corruption and actually provides real benefits to its citizens.

Source:

Weidlich, Brigitte. "Namibia Embarks on Nuclear Policy." Al Jazeera English. N.p., n.d. Web. 25 Oct.

               2012. <http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2011/01/20111511037184843.html>.

The Political Complexities of Botswana

As analyzed in class, Botswana’s political system creates complicated conclusions. The Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) has won every election since 1965, which would certainly seem to be more characteristic of a one-party system than a democracy. However, the opposition parties have simply not been serious contenders. This status quo is being slightly challenged now, though. As is discussed in my selected article, the percentage of Batswana affiliated with the BDP has plunged from 55% in 2008 to 39% now (Letswamotse). This trend was briefly discussed in class, but it has many important implications.

The BDP should indeed be slightly concerned. A 16% drop is quite significant and highlights that the BDP is performing inadequate in certain aspects. In theory, this is a perfect opportunity to strengthen the democratic values. The BDP should reassess its focus to become more aligned with constituents. It is risking falling into complacency now. However, the opposition parties need not be too encouraged by the decline. Even though the BDP percentage dropped, the shares of all the opposition parties combined is still not larger than that of the BDP (Letswamotse).

Another point of discussion is the large number of independents in Botswana: 39% of voters (Letswamotse). These individuals could be quite valuable to the opposition parties as the latter fight to appear as credible threats to the BDP reign. The independents will not be decisive in the short-term, but the BDP cannot afford to ignore them. That voting bloc may be decisive in future elections.

Botswana is in a very delicate situation currently. The popularity of the BDP is declining, but with no serious competition now, there is little incentive for the BDP to care. If an electoral victory is certain, why spend resources to improve representation and approval? This manner of thinking could be devastating. The democratic system in Botswana would be weakened, and because Botswana is such a model nation to the rest of the continent, its actions would likely be duplicated elsewhere. Fortunately, the BDP has proven itself principled over its long duration in power, and there is little reason to believe that it will about-face now. However, there still should be external pressure for the leaders to remain accountable. As well, there could also be pressure for opposition groups to consolidate. Together, the opposition to the BDP would be much stronger, which would generate productive competition and move the electoral process into a more democratic two-party system.

Letswamotse, Phaladi. “50% say they would vote BDP tomorrow.” The Botswana Gazette. 23 Oct. 2012.

Escalating Violence in Guinea

Ethnic Tensions Threaten to Derail Guinea’s Upcoming Elections and its Promising Future

Like many African Countries, Guinea is divided by ethnic groups and the two major ones are the Malinke which consist of 35% of the population and majority of the military, and the Peul who are of Muslim decent and consist of 40% of the population. Tensions between these groups have dated back to Guinea’s independence in 1958. Since then, Guinea’s history has been marked by three decades of dictatorship.

    Only two years ago, Guinea appointed it’s first freely elected president, Alpha Conde. Hailed as “West Africa’s Mandela”, Conde promised to unite Guinea’s rivaling ethnic groups, the Malinke and Peul. Yet, two years later, little progress has been made as riots and ethnic violence have broken out in the capital, threatening to escalate as the elections draw closer. Falling short of his campaign promises, many are accusing Conde of inflaming the ethnic hatred as much as the opposition and of tribalism. It is believed that both the opposition and Conde have been playing on people’s fears, encouraging ethnic hatred, is so they can get an electoral base. The situation in Guinea has reached a critical point where ethnic violence is breaking out in neighborhoods and security crackdowns on the opposition groups have been common.

The reason this event is very important is that Guinea was showing a lot of promise after it’s free elections. At the beginning of his term, Conde received international praise for trying to reform the army, making it more accountable to the people and prosecuting soldiers who caused atrocities. Also Guinea recently received more than $2 billion worth of debt relief from the IMF and World Bank, which was going to be used to for building infrastructure and kick start economic growth, which was projected to be in the double digits within a few years. Yet with escalating violence, Guinea stands to lose more than half of that aid and a lot of foreign investment. A country whose people live on less than a dollar a day with no access to clean water, education and health care cannot afford to go back into decline.

Unfortunately, the events currently happening in Guinea are nothing new in Africa and outlook does not seem very positive. There are many theories that we have learned that apply to Guinea’s situation. Firstly, Guinea is extremely rich in natural resources; it is the leading exporter of bauxite and has many iron ore, gold and diamond resources. Unfortunately instead of benefiting the development of the country, this causes many groups who are in power to try to control these resources and gain all the capital from it which can be seen through it’s long dictatorial history and rival power groups. Also, countries like Guinea, which have come from long-term dictatorships, do not usually transition well into a democracy. After all, how is a country expected to suddenly setup the pillars of democracy and be able create the institutions, which place the power in the people’s hands. Corruption will still exist and is very rampant in the country. Another unfortunate prediction of Guinea’s current events is the escalation of ethnic violence and the spillover effect it can have on it’s neighboring countries. This can be seen in the example of Rwanda where the genocide did not simply end but later continued on in its neighboring countries and deeply damaged their potential. Many parallels can be seen between Guinea and the recent events in the Ivory Coast where there was a huge surge in violence during the elections and it is still recovering from civil wars. This is also seen in its other neighbors such as Liberia, Sierra Leone and Mali.

Unfortunately, little can be said on what should be done. In an ideal world, the two main political groups will come to a consensus to hold elections that are transparent and fair as soon as possible before the violence escalates. Another solution could be seen in dividing the country the way Sudan has done between the two major ethnic groups yet this seems even less of a possibility. Considering these patterns are nothing new, if a clear solution is out there, it would have already been implemented and would have prevented a lot of it’s neighboring countries in the “coup belt” from escalating into violence. Yet, as of now, what is on the table is civil war, another coup and even genocide.

Works Cited

"Guinea Secures $2.1 Billion Debt Relief from IMF, World Bank." Chicago Tribune. N.p., 26 Sept. 2012. Web. 23 Oct. 2012. <http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2012-09-26/news/sns-rt-us-guinea-imfbre88p1mx-20120926_1_debt-relief-president-alpha-conde-simandou-development>.

"Times LIVE." Guinea Ethnic Divide Defies 'West Africa's Mandela' -. N.p., n.d. Web. 23 Oct. 2012. <http://www.timeslive.co.za/africa/2012/10/24/guinea-ethnic-divide-defies-west-africas-mandela>.

AIDS, Orphans and the Future of Africa

I always knew AIDS was a major problem in Africa. However I was shocked to discover that 63 percent of all deaths in Africa occur from infectious diseases like HIV/AIDS, and I wanted to draw attention to this staggering new statistic.

According to an article from ANGOP, an Angolan news site, on October 21 the regional director of the World Health Organization for Africa, Luis Gomes Sambo, announced the startling statistic in Luanda, Angola. Specifically, according to Sambo, HIV/AIDS accounts for 38.5 percent of deaths from communicable diseases and HIV/AIDS is responsible for 15.6 percent of all deaths in Africa. The article continues with positive statistics about the decrease in transmission from mother to child, as well as, another amazing statistic in the increased coverage of antiretroviral treatment. According to the article, in 2003 only 100,000 people received the antiretroviral treatment compared to 2011 where 6.2 million received treatment. However, even with these seemingly optimistic numbers I cannot get over the fact that 15.6 percent of Africans die from HIV/AIDS. What is even more troubling is that in 2011 the incidence of infection by the disease was 1.7 million new cases.

Because of celebrities like Bono and organizations like (RED), I genuinely thought that AIDS was becoming less of a problem in Africa. However this article and Richard Dowden’s chapter on AIDS in Africa in his book Africa Altered States, Ordinary Miracles has proven to me that AIDS is still a serious problem in Africa and one that cannot be overlooked by anyone involved or interested in the continent.  

According to Dowden, government responses to AIDS have been feeble especially in countries like South Africa. Even though most African nations have adopted strategies for dealing with AIDS they are not uniformly implemented. What’s worse, according to Dowden, are the orphans left by AIDS. Currently grandmas are taking care of these children but what happens when the grandmas die? International money has been spent to stop the spread of AIDS but I have not heard of any organization or person championing the cause of AIDS orphans except for Dowden.

Dowden and I agree that the lack of support for AIDS orphans could be disastrous for Africa’s fragile states. This is because “a generation of unparented orphans could easily become a pool of ruthless warriors for power-greedy politicians” meaning “whole regions of Africa, already poor and made poorer by AIDS, could be destabilized” (Dowden 330). Even though this is not yet a problem it should not be ignored because AIDS orphans have the potential to spur democratic backsliding in the future.   

Works Cited

"Angola Press - Health - Infectious Diseases Account for 63 Percent of Deaths in Africa - WHO Official." Angola Press - Health - Infectious Diseases Account for 63 Percent of Deaths in Africa - WHO Official. ANGOP, 22 Oct. 2012. Web. 23 Oct. 2012. <http://www.portalangop.co.ao/motix/en_us/noticias/saude/2012/9/43/Infectious-diseases-account-for-percent-deaths-Africa-WHO-official,c2ee48eb-e1c4-445a-9b14-61bfc3d92d48.html>.

Dowden, Richard. "The Positive Positive Women AIDS in Africa." Africa: Altered States, Ordinary Miracles. New York: Public Affairs, 2009. 321-52. Print.

Save a Mountain Gorilla, Pay a Park Ranger

During our last class (Monday October 22) Michael prefaced the lecture per usual with some “words of wisdom”, better known as Michael’s life lessons. The pre-class topic on Monday was concerning the dwindling numbers of mountain gorillas that preside in the DRC, Uganda, and Rwanda. Coincidently, The Washington Post published an article online detailing the strife of park rangers within Virunga National Park. 

The aggression specifically geared toward mountain gorillas and the park rangers appears to have decreased; yet violence in the area still creates turbulence. Approximately, 150 park rangers were killed in the line of duty since 1996. In 2007, armed groups within the area desired to use the park as a base, meanwhile causing harm to the rangers and killing the already diminishing mountain gorillas, execution style.

More recently, the park was taking in record-breaking numbers of tourists until the conflict erupted earlier this year. Now M23, a group of army mutineers holds a portion of the Virunga National Park under their command. M23 shares this territory with 200 mountain gorillas. A supposed acceptance of the park rangers has been recorded from M23’s leader, Colonel Sutani Makenga.  Meanwhile, the park rangers wish to remain as neutral as possible. Their neutrality shows no bounds in regards to keeping themselves armed and safe; the park rangers are armed with “assault rifles, rocket-propelled grenade launchers, and heavy machine guns”. The park rangers are commando-trained via former Belgian guerillas.

The Belgian park director, Emmanuel de Merode appears optimistic about the park and the DRC, “It’s the rebuilding of a country, and the thing about tourism is that it creates jobs within the local population and small businesses”. The hopeful tune of de Merode brings up valid points about the importance of preservation of the Virunga National Park and its inhabitants. In order to rebuild the country post-conflict, its national assets like the park, timber, and minerals must be preserved during the violent conflict. 

Sources:

Manson, Katrina. "Rangers in Congo Risk Lives for Rare Gorillas." The Washington Post. 21 September 2012. Web.

McCrummen, Stephanie. "In an Eastern Congo Oasis, Blood Amid the Greenery." The Washington Post. 22 July 2007. Web.

Image:

http://internationalexoticanimalsanctuary.blogspot.com/2011/06/cell-phones-and-mountain-gorillas.html

Fundamental Democratic Change in Kenya

Starting in March of 2013, Kenyans will be electing the very first                senators, governors, and female representatives into the government thanks to the new decentralized system that is intended to increase representation and strengthen transparency within the government. This move to increase representation is also viewed by many in Kenya and around the world as a big step in the advancements of development in the country through improved public policy, as well a catalyst to increasing political involvement and accountability throughout the nation.

                I picked this particular article because in our readings on the effectiveness of democracy in Africa and our class discussions on what African regimes can do better to ensure the survival of democracy in their countries when we see retracting trends in states like Mali, it is critical for leadership to evolve ad grow to become more effective and accountable for their people and increasing avenues for greater representation in government is a great way to do so.

                We should care about this issue and particularly the success of issues such as these because for Africans to continue with the prospect of democracy even when there are slow results and stagnant problems within the country, they must feel that they have a hand in the governance of their country’s decisions and that all the policies and actions of the government support the best interests of all the people and not just a select few. The best way to build and strengthen this accountability in government is through increasing involvement in policy decisions by the people and thus creating a feeling of ownership and pride in the system that will be able to withstand tough times because of investments made by the population.

                The article addressed a number of things that could go wrong with the implementation of this system in Kenya, for example increased corruption, voting solely along identity and ethnic lines, and possible intrastate and/or interstate conflict due to the final results of the elections. Furthermore, given the history and mystery of general elections in Kenya in the past there is a definite need for concern on all sides of this issue and insuring that this process is handled smoothly and correctly should be a top priority of the international community within the next 6 months.

                In reference to policymakers current and future in Kenya, it should be their top priority to ensure stability and accountability into the government structure of Kenya and make sure that this election process is handled properly to minimize disputes over results. If done properly this fundamental change by the Kenyan people could mean a turn for the better in the effectiveness of rule and hopefully the overall development of the country and the region but if not handled properly we could see another key African state teetering on the brink of civil conflict.

Sources:

Nic. "DECENTRALIZATION, ELECTIONS AND THE ODM IN KENYA." Democracy in Africa. Web. 23 

     Oct. 2012.

Democratic Prospects in South Africa

            The Economist published a two-part article on October 20^th titled Sad South Africa: Cry, the Beloved Country, outlining South Africa’s slide from democratic and economic beacon to unequal one party regime. Among other issues at the heart of this deconstruction, the article points to rising inequality and economic crises, combined with lack of political opposition (Economist 2012). However, some may argue that this does not paint the proper picture of South Africa’s current political atmosphere. In his article titled South Africa: cry the beloved cliché, Reg Rumney argues that The Economist article is out of touch with real South African politics (Rumney 2012). Both articles have intriguing points that can point to what may spell out the South African future.

            As The Economist notes, in 2000 the South African economy accounted for 40% of the entire GDP of Sub-Saharan Africa. This economic growth was stimulated by the new constitution and democratic regime, achieved without the expected amounts of bloodshed and violence. Furthermore, this articles establishes that this growth was recognized at a time in which their very own paper had labeled Africa as a whole as “the hopeless continent” (The Economist 2012). Yet recently, the magazine has rescinded this claim and has in turn labeled a marked improvement in African growth.

            It is strange therefore to find that South Africa accounts for little to none of this growth. As the article states, “Africa to the north of the Limpopo river has been growing at an annual average clip of 6%, whereas South Africa’s rate for the past few years has slowed to barely 2%” (The Economist 2012). In the second part of the article, the magazine highlights the cause of this disparity in both economic and political terms. As the authors note, “Under apartheid, a role in the ANC was about sacrifice and risk. Today it is a ticket for the gravy train” (The Economist 2012). Because of the large inequality gap, it is in the politician’s best interest to be corruptible. In fact, many politicians use their seat as a way out of poverty (The Economist 2012). This trend certainly spells doom for a democratic system, in that it places power in the hands of those with revenue rather than those with the vote.

            However, Reg Rumney starkly contrasts this claim. He states that The Economist is guilty of building their argument, and then finding things in South Africa that they can point to as evidence (A seemingly backwards approach) (Rumney 2012). As Rumney states, “It is the central tenet of the leader article that is most specious: South Africa is fated to fall behind the fast-growing African countries to its north because it is becoming a one-party state” (Rumney 2012). In the eyes of this argument, the ANC is simply in power because they are efficient at meeting the desires of the people who vote them in.

            Further, Rumney goes on to lay out this issues with the claim that South Africa will fall behind other African nations in terms of economic growth. He claims, “It seems to have escaped the magazine that the rest of Africa is our backyard. Our home-grown multinational MTN has its biggest investment in Nigeria” (Rumney 2012). In this sense, the argument can be made that as the rest of Africa grows, South Africa will grow with it yet it still seems that The Economist has offered proper evidence to refute this claim.

            Overall, it is clear that an increase in economic malaise within South Africa will lead to more political corruption and turmoil. Based on the information provided both in class, and the readings it seems as though The Economist article may be more accurate than the Rumney article. Without both economic and political changes, South Africa’s democracy may be down a path of ultimate peril. The Economist states, “Some simple changes could help spur change and integrity. One of the parliament’s worst features is its party-list method of choosing members.” Changing to a constituent based system would help limit corruption. One area where Rumney most likely was correct however, was the interconnected growth of African economies. Certainly, a trend in economic growth in nations like Nigeria and Angola will help spur economic development in South Africa, which will ideally lead to less political tension.

Rumney, Reg. "South Africa: cry the beloved cliche."Guardian. 22 2012: n. page. Web. 22 Oct. 2012. <http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/oct/22/south-africa-economist-beloved?newsfeed=true>.

"Sad South Africa: Cry, the beloved country."Economist. 20 2012: n. page. Web. 22 Oct. 2012. <http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21564846-south-africa-sliding-downhill-while-much-rest-continent-clawing-its-way-up>.

"South Africa: Over the rainbow." Economist. 20 2012: n. page. Web. 22 Oct. 2012. <http://www.economist.com/news/briefing/21564829-it-has-made-progress-becoming-full-democracy-1994-failure-leadership-means>.

Evaluating the Standards of "Success"

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The Good reading illuminates some interesting points of praise of Botswana as a “stable” and “successful” African nation. Although Botswana has experienced stable, consistent growth since their independence, the standards by which the nation’s success is measured doesn’t account for the deep inequalities created by this system in both income and property. This deep division between classes is a large flaw in a system that will inevitably result in political turmoil at some point in the future. This also puts Botswana’s economy and the nation as a whole at risk.

Good uses Botswana as an example, however his theory of accounting for class inequalities created by the structural issues of policy could be applied to other African nations regarded as success stories; for example, Uganda. However, it is the case of South Africa that lends credibility to Good’s argument. Although the nation has become a macroeconomic giant in the region, “laying the foundation for sustained growth and development” (Blogs – World Bank, 2009), it has been torn apart by class issues, divided by both socio-economic and racial standards.

            I don’t believe we should completely shun nor disregard claims of praise for nations like Botswana, nor should their great advances towards a stable economy and political environment be ignored. However, I believe articles like Good’s create a discourse about the standards by which we measure/quantify success in developing nations. Perhaps we should not only reevaluate how “success” is defined, but also, as the article suggests use the standards by which we measure stability to develop creative solutions to social, political, and economic issues on a national scale.

            Although some of the methods utilized by the people of Botswana may not work in other regions, aspects of the solution can be applicable to another solution more appropriate for a different nation. Through critical analysis of standards of “success” and the methods used to achieve them, we can aim to develop strategies for use in other scenarios, in other nations.

Blogs - World Bank. (2009, September 7). [Web log message]. http://blogs.worldbank.org/africacan/african-successes-listing-the-success-stories