The Nigerian Criminal Model

When someone mentions ‘Organized Crime’ people usually get an image of an Al Capone style 1930’s gangster or a classic scene from the Godfather, or maybe even an image of a Russian prison or Yakuza tattoo. The common perception of transnational organized crime of a corporately managed hierarchal system of illicit deeds is progressively becoming too narrow and inaccurate for the modern world, and nowhere can this be better showcased than in Nigeria.

Nigeria Criminal Enterprise first rose to international recognition with its “419 Scam” and other internet financial scams in the early 1990’s, despite an origin a decade before with the economic collapse of Soviet Communism.  Since then a pervasive criminal industry of networks of financial scams, one of the largest heroin trades in the world, piracy and kidnappings within the Niger Delta, and human and arms trafficking have only increased, leading to U.S. department of Justice claims that "Nigerian criminal groups are more pervasive around the globe than those of any other nation."

What makes Nigeria such an effective base for transnational organized crime? While in many ways the factors that contributed to its creation, such as a complete economic dependence on oil that eliminated the countries ability to adapt in economic crisis and the political instability of the country have remained largely the same, many argue that the real problem in combating Nigerian Criminal Enterprise once it has started is a result of ethnic loyalty divisions and a distrust of the government created by Nigeria’s past.

While traditional mafia-style syndicate exist, they are usually considered simply an indication of corruption within the government, profiteering on the countries poorly written laundering and counterfeit laws. A vast majority are flexible small clan-family based groups that work together or individual free-lance criminals whom work for smaller profits and provide each other a form of political protection. Due to the ways their clans are organized they are near impossible to infiltrate by authorities.

While one could always argue that a better police force with more sources dedicated to fighting crime could help, at this point, it is unlikely to be the best prescription for the problem. In addition to improving the police force, simply identifying and tracking individuals and groups and improving government infrastructure so that the government has  a reliable means for data on its citizenry (Like pictures, descriptions, and birth and death dates). Additionally a re-examining of the judiciary system so that it can be used for implementing a state with a reliable and cohesive rule-of-law. Finally, improving infrastructure to diversify the economy away from oil would help fight poverty in the country giving more citizens a means for a legal income.

A decade ago journalist K. Maier characterized Nigeria as a “criminally mismanaged corporation where the bosses are armed and have barricaded themselves inside the company safe.” A decade later, it doesn’t seem as though all to much has changed, but at least a situation for reforms is plausible. Only time will tell if fights against Nigirian Organized Crime will symbolize a wave for reforming new criminal enterprise around the world, or if nigeria will only reform the way the world sees criminal enterprise.

Kenya Elections: My Voice, My Vote, Our Freedom

In Kenya, thousands of political activists have been flocking to the streets ever since the 2007 elections. The elections appeared, according to the international community, to be fraudulent and below international standards. Since the elections, roughly 1,100 people have been murdered, and another 600,000 citizens have been displaced. 

To combat this issue of violence and political unrest, Boniface Mwangi, a Kenyan photographer, has started a revolution called the "Ballot Revolution." The goal of this revolution is to educate locals about the current regime's violent rule, and about their overall corrupt ways. Working alongside visual artists and social media experts, Mwangi, has been able to successfully help Kenyans realize the power of their vote. 

Political activists have been working hard to graffiti several murals that depict the political turmoil that is happening inside Kenya. They have mutually decided to represent the political elites as vultures. Mwangi explains this, "We tried many other animals like the hyena but the closest animal that describes a Kenyan politician is the vulture. They prey on the weak (CNN)." Activists have also created and promoted a saying, "My voice, My vote, Our freedom." This saying is inscribed on several murals, and further promotes the idea that individuals have the ability to change the country as a whole, by voting in the general election.

Understanding the vast importance of free and fair elections has been collectively increasing throughout the Arab and African world. The Kenyan citizens will be able to make their voice heard very soon, as the next general election takes place early next year. The United States and other democracies throughout the world are looking to this political uprising as one small step for democracy, and one giant leap for humanity. 

Sources:

McKenzie, David. "Graffiti Art Targets Kenyan 'vultures' - CNN.com." CNN. Cable News Network, 15 Oct. 2012. Web. 21 Oct. 2012. <http://www.cnn.com/2012/06/14/world/africa/kenya-graffiti/index.html>.

Moyo, Karina. "Kenya Rising - Activate - Al Jazeera English."Kenya Rising - Activate - Al Jazeera English. N.p., 17 Oct. 2012. Web. 21 Oct. 2012. <http://www.aljazeera.com/programmes/activate/2012/10/2012109105826591968.html>.

Moyo, Karen. "In Pictures: Kenya's Ballot Revolution - In Pictures - Al Jazeera English." In Pictures: Kenya's Ballot Revolution - In Pictures - Al Jazeera English. N.p., 18 Oct. 2012. Web. 21 Oct. 2012.

Money for Democracy: An Oxymoron in Africa

The international community has plenty of reason to be invested in the spread of democracy throughout Africa.  Democracy has failed to consolidate in this resource-rich continent, though. Within African political institutions there is little legitimate competition.  In many African countries participation in the electoral process is considered futile as most nations are single-party states. Ex ante uncertainty and ex post irreversibility are required if democracy is to be considered consolidated but the absence of constitutional traditions and civil society in post-colonial Africa has led to little popular legitimacy in government.  Meager economic resources and low state capacity have allowed for extractive economies institutionalized by neopatrimonialism (Bates 2008).

            Though unstable governance characterizes the transitional period of most once-colonized nations, Africa’s instability has persisted for an exceptionally long period of time.  One possible cause of prolonged instability in Africa is the state in which colonial powers left the continent. Traditions of authoritarian rule were deeply entrenched in African politics by the time many African nations achieved independence (van de Walle 2001).  Regardless of the reasons Africa remains relatively devoid of consolidated democracies, its authoritarianism has cost the international community money and man power.  In the face of humanitarian crises and economic instability, the West's motives for implementing democracy in Africa have strengthened.  In recent years the West has focused more resources on stabilizing the region through incentivizing democracy.

 That the very nations which once enslaved Africa now want to move the continent forward is an irony not lost on many of Africa’s despots.  The Ibrahim Prize for African Leadership is one example of the West’s patronizing (though well-intentioned) incentives for democratic consolidation in Africa.   The multimillion-dollar prize is given to an African leader who “demonstrated excellence in office” (NYTimes)  African leaders like Mugabe, Mobutu and Haile Selassie go to extraordinary lengths in order to protect their kleptocracy.  Perhaps the international community think African dictators love money so much that it alone would serve as enough encouragement to democratize.  For the past two years, however, the Ibrahim Prize for Achievement in African Leadership has not been awarded.  2011 marks the third year that the money goes unawarded (NYTimes).

Although this is the third time in four years that there have been no cases of exceptional leadership in Africa, this does not mean there won’t be in 2012.  Democratization in Africa is a painfully slow process and not made easier by the continent’s geography, climate, history of colonialism and the exploitative nature of the West’s relations with African nations.  Incentives for democratic consolidation like the Ibrahim Prize will not be successful at driving the democratic process in Africa.  Paying leaders to behave democratically is not democratic, after all.  In order for democracy to take hold in Africa, the international community must interact democratically with the continent.  Having frequently propped up dictators throughout Africa, we cannot expect them to suddenly give up their power.  By modeling democracy to the best of their ability, nations outside of Africa can demonstrate the advantages  of popular legitimacy for both the individual leader and his people.

Sources:
"No Ibrahim Prize for African Leadership This Year" By Adam Nossiter. October 15 2012.

http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/16/world/africa/no-ibrahim-prize-for-african-leadership-this-year.html?_r=0

Bates, Robert. 2008.  "Policy Choices" In: When Things Fell Apart.  Cambridge University Press. pp. 55-74.

van de Walle, Nicolas. 2001.  "Decision Making in Postcolonial Africa" In:  African Economies and the Politics of Permanent Crisis, 1979-1999.  Cambridge University Press.

The Faces of Uganda

The brutal Lord's Resistance Army of Uganda, headed by infamous rebel leader Joseph Kony, has drawn a magnitude of negative international attention in recent years. Social media in the United States took a particular stake in the news of Kony kidnapping and training child soldiers in Uganda, placing  Kony and subsequently, Uganda, in a harsh light.

Even before the short-lived international outrage at Kony's actions as leader of the Lord's Resistance Army, Uganda throughout the 1970s was the face of brutal African dictatorship and corruption in Africa. Idi Amin, Uganda's leader, single-handedly represented power and human rights abuse. Needless to say, its past political actors have not given Uganda an accepted place in the international sphere.

The current president, arguably the man who has achieved the most in shaping the state of Uganda, is not as easily placed in a positive or negative light. Yoweri Museveni has made great strides in advancing Uganda's economic and political state, advancements that have been internationally recognized. Museveni, despite his achievements and Uganda's achievements under his direction, has been in power for 26 years, a term that many argue is far too long. Can Uganda be considered a true and consolidated democracy with no real opposition to Museveni's power? Many would argue that despite his positive contributions to the country, Uganda needs true competition to be taken seriously in the international realm.

When compared to Kony and Amin, Museveni is a much more positive figure to represent Uganda. The country is certainly taking steps forward, but many argue that even more change would bring a better face to Uganda.

South Africa: The Marikana Mine Massacre in the Post-Apartheid Era

   
The recent massacre at Lonmin’s Marikana mine highlights the corruption and democratic drift that still prevails in South Africa. 34 striking miners were shot at and killed by Marikana police in a protest concerning the labor dispute between unions and a mining tycoon over poor wages and working conditions. The event has been described as the most violent police operation since the end of apartheid. As highlighted by William Gumede, the police shooting marked a tipping point for South Africa’s governing African National Congress, as it is “hard to overestimate the impact that scenes once so associated with apartheid will have now that they are replayed under a black, democratic government” (Gumende 2012).
The Lonmin’s Marikana mine massacre is significant insofar as it reveals that a black life, 18 years after racism was supposed to have been abolished, still often counts for very little. Moreover, the inequality between the rich, who are mostly white, and the poor, who are mostly black, has remained unchanged, with the exception of a small black elite, from the ranks of senior ANC leaders, public servants and trade unions, who have become extremely rich. Nowhere is inequality more obvious than in the mining sector, the focal point of black slave-labour conditions (Gumende 2012). This dimension of South African society illuminates the fact that, despite much progress since the era of apartheid, racial divisions in South Africa remain prevalent and are directly impacting the working class in a negative manner. 
The effects of racial oppression within the mining industry, and also within the other industries of the economy, will likely exacerbate segregation and inequality in South Africa. In order to address this problem, it is necessary that both black and white business leaders, politicians and labor leaders convene to negotiate how to spread economic benefits more fairly across the nation. Gumende explains that African citizens resent the fact that so many whites can prosper based on the social capital, wealth and education obtained during the apartheid years. Combined with this, there appears to be a widespread feeling that political parties and democratic institutions are not responsive. Gumende argues that such frustrations can easily translate into violent protests. If South America is to remain a legitimate democracy, policy-makers must level the playing field so that racial identity does not factor into the distribution of wealth in South African society.
Gumende argues that the Marikana mine itself is symbolic of the wealth gap. Black politicians are on the board, and through the government's Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) scheme there are also black shareholders. Many mainstream (white) companies have devoted resources to BEE – which benefits a handful of black businesspeople – rather than spend the money on adopting poor schools, training workers, or building houses for the surrounding communities where they operate, which could lift thousands out of poverty (Gumende 2012). If prosperous companies were to devote their resources to improving social welfare programs and projects, rather than donating money to the government’s Black Economic Empowerment program, it could potentially lift thousands out of poverty. If the issue is not addressed, there is a possibility that racial divides and animosity between groups will heighten, that inequality will widen, and events that were unique to the apartheid era could resurface again, thus causing the democratic quality of South Africa to regress.

-Taylor Meador

Sources
"Has the Post-Apartheid Bubble Burst? - Features - Al Jazeera English." Has the Post-Apartheid Bubble Burst? - Features - Al Jazeera English. N.p., n.d. Web. 18 Oct. 2012. <http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2012/08/2012818212940943734.html>.
Gumede, William. "South Africa: Marikana Is a Turning Point." The Guardian. Guardian News and Media, 29 Aug. 2012. Web. 18 Oct. 2012. <http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/aug/29/marikana-turning-point-south-africa>.

Educational Disparity Among South African Children

In South Africa, the 2012 Child Gauge Report was recently released. Findings indicated great disparity in education among whites and blacks within the country, a potent reminder of the inequality that still exists among South African’s citizens. According to the findings, two thirds of African children live below the poverty line, compared to two percent of white children in South Africa, though overall poverty has decreased (AFP). About half of these impoverished children live in former homelands, remnants of the apartheid regime. Although Africa spends a high portion of its budget on education, results still tend to be unequal among blacks and whites when viewed by income (AllAfrica).

            Although South Africa has taken great strides since the ending of the apartheid in 1994 and the beginning of nonracial democratic norms, the racial inequality is still a persistent reminder of what once was. In September, a report by the World Bank noted that inequality and joblessness pose serious risks to South African stability (NYTimes). This issue of child inequality remains important because racial divides, though not occurring on the political level, are still happening on the economic level. Though South Africa has effectively ended the apartheid political system in its society, economic divides still tend to segregate along racial lines. This economic disparity, particularly in the up and coming generation, poses concern for the stability of the country as well as continued strides away from the apartheid.

            As a leader of the Africa continent, and largely a success story, South Africa stands as an example to other countries on the continent. The progress of South Africa can do much to influence the general outlook of the continent, and addressing children’s inequality, especially in education, is a major hurdle for the country. Strikes throughout the country in recent months have pointed to the tensions that have been brewing, and if not addressed may result in even more unrest (NYTimes). Based on what we have learned about South Africa, the ANC remains in a stable position of power, and if reforms were to be made, they would happen under the ANC.

Policymakers need to come up with a better ID and birth certificate system, especially in former homelands. This will allow government healthcare expenditures to reach the poor newborn children, especially in their critical first year of life. Government expenditures on education need to be reevaluated, with more (and more efficiently allocated) money going to the poorer regions. Money should be spent on cash transfer systems, where families are given money every year their child stays in school, as well as other incentives like a lunch program or afterschool activities. Mostly importantly, the ANC cannot afford to ignore this report, but rather take it seriously and work to address the educational inequalities that still persist. 

Sources 

Polgreen, Lydia. “A Murder Sentence Underlines South African Inequality. NY Times.22 August 2012. http://www.nytimes.com/2012/08/23/world/africa/conviction-of-chris-mahlangu-in-terreblanche-case-underscores-south-africa-inequality.html?_r=0

Stassen, Wilma. “South Africa: Great Disparity in the Lives of SA Children”. All Africa. 18 October 2012. http://allafrica.com/stories/201210180997.html

“S. Africa's children still face apartheid-like inequality”. AFP. 17 October 2012. http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5i2lY455I6yN3_HCfTOk4mONdAe9A?docId=CNG.c87c030182d8aa078508c64fcad776ba.3b1

“SA has lost its compass”. The Times. 18 October 2012. http://www.timeslive.co.za/thetimes/2012/10/18/sa-has-lost-its-compass

$5 Million Bounty for Effective African Leader

When considering the current political and economic development of Sub-Saharan Africa, you’d think that the leaders have something to do with it… right? That their governance and leadership skills are being used to benefit their nation and continent? Well, Mo Ibrahim thinks otherwise. Ibrahim is a native Sudanese, and British cellular phone tycoon who has recently begun awarding former, commendable African leaders with the modest sum of $5 million. But not all former leaders can win this award. On October 15^th the Mo Ibrahim Foundation announced that for the third time in the last six years this award has been presented, “None [of the former African leaders considered] met criteria needed to win this award.” I chose to blog about this award because while its intention is to “bring forward a picture of the good side of Africa”, in reality it is demonstrating a lack of competent leadership on the continent.

First, let’s look at the Mo Ibrahim Foundation award to clarify its requirements and establish whether these standards are reasonable. The Foundation’s mission is to “invest in governance and leadership to catalyze Africa’s transformation” through an annual award, scholarships, forums, and more. In terms of the $5 million award, these terms (“governance” “leadership”) are more specifically defined on the Mo Ibrahim Foundation website:

Leadership is centred on setting priorities or making choices and taking risks.
Progressive leadership

• Defines a clear and coherent vision that is inclusive, inspirational and innovative
• Requires courageous and forward-looking decision-making
• Delivers results

Governance is centred on the implementation of policies and the management of risk. 
Responsible management ensures

• Optimal allocation of limited resources
• Inclusivity of all sectors of society
• Balanced pursuit of successful development
• Effective implementation and delivery of programmes

In addition to these requirements, candidates must have voluntarily left their position as head of a nation in the past three years. While these prerequisites seem more like ideals than essential characteristics, the previous leaders of Botswana, Cape Verde, and Mozambique have obtained the award, thus demonstrating its viability. When Mo Ibrahim was interviewed on Monday, and asked if he would consider potentially changing the criteria for this award, he dismissed the idea. But more interestingly, he stated that he did not think there would be more winners if this award were given to another continent.

            The award’s history, in addition to its recent award recipient (no one) highlights a huge problem on the African continent. While there seem to be huge strides in political and economic development, African leadership has yet to evolve into a democratic, responsive form. Ibrahim has stated that one of the primary incentives of this award is for leaders to voluntarily leave office: “…many leaders of sub-Saharan African countries come from poor backgrounds and are tempted to hang on to power for fear that poverty awaits them when they leave office.” Ultimately, while the world’s largest prize (exceeding the Nobel Peace Prize by almost $4 million) has an honorable intention and aims at rewarding the rare, effective leaders on this poverty-stricken continent, it has also drawn a lot of negative attention to African leaders. With news headlines such as “No African leader qualifies for $5m award, again” and “Africans fail leadership test yet again as $5m prize gathers dust” perhaps this can be the start to the attention and international pressure that is needed for an overall reform in African leadership.

Sources:

http://www.aljazeera.com/video/africa/2012/10/20121015175148969746.html

http://www.moibrahimfoundation.org/overview/

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-19946106

http://www.google.com/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5jSPl-ABJXfmynnIlfngooPh4BFfw?docId=6c24e5d6fa154c51b3737be45bb55794