Out of
four model countries within the continent including South Africa, Egypt and
Kenya, Nigeria is falling short of expectations. For the third year in a row,
Mo Ibrahim withheld his prize recognizing excellence in African democracy,
dropping an exceptionally unfavorable rating on Nigeria. Nigeria placed 14 out
of 16 countries in the West African sub-region, also ranking 43 out 52
countries when considered for the award. Particular low points were matters of
human rights, transparency and accountability (Tribune).
President
Goodluck Jonathan recently claimed that Nigeria “was the second most improved
country in Africa fighting corruption.” Yet all signs point to Jonathan and his
administration as a source of corruption. The 2010 Transparency International
Global Corruption Barometer claimed that three quarters of Nigerians see
heightened corruption, namely among the police and politicians (Aljazeera).
Jonathan’s
position resides within ethnic tension. The Ijaw, from which Jonathan hails, are
quick to rally around him when his administration is criticized, creating
exclusive claims to his leadership despite a variety of ethnic groups voting
him into office. Consistent disruptions of ethnic violence, such as a killing
spree in July that saw more than 100 dead, occur with only superficial repercussions
from the military and Jonathan’s government. As ghosts of the previous military
administration that was ousted by free elections in 1999, the current military
has a vital role to play in the new era of democracy.
Following
a clouded history prior to the country’s present government, the Nigerian
military now has a clean slate and a cleaner influence in civil matters. The
concern is whether the military can effectively limit its influence to matters
conducive to the democratic system, such as improved handling of ethnic
violence, and keep a clear distance from a political mantel.
As part
of Nigeria’s shift into democracy the military was stripped of its civil
authority. Military officers who participated in the nations enslavement were
retired and junior officers were granted new positions within the system as
national watchdogs loyal to the civil authorities (allAfrica). The military has
assumed a place of pride in strengthening the democratic process rather than
deflecting it. Senator Ibikunle Amosun, the Ogun State Governor recently
stated: “…the
only way the military could play such noble roles like their counterparts in
developed societies is by subjecting themselves to the dictate of the
constitution which embodies the sovereignty of the nation as well as democratic
institutions and democratically elected authorities” (allAfrica).
The
state of Nigeria’s people exists within a conundrum of huge oil wealth and
extreme poverty. “More than 80 percent of Nigerians live on less than $2 a day
despite the fact that Nigeria pumps 2.2m barrels a day of top grade oil.” The
top 10 percent of income earners in Nigeria accounted for 38 percent of the
country’s wealth in 2010. These elites absorb the large majority of the
country’s wealth while most of the government’s budget goes towards frivolous
expenditures (Aljazeera).
There is
hope for Nigeria if Jonathan will deflect perceptions of corruption by
publishing his own assets, assuaging ethnic tensions perpetuated by his own
ethnic group, and implementing policies more accommodating to the poor populace
rather than the elite.
sources:
“Fighting corruption in
Nigeria requires action not words.” Aljazeera.
9 October 2012/
“Mo Ibrahim: Nigeria’s Low
Rating.” Nigerian Tribune. 25 October
2012.
“Nigeria: Democracy – Charting
a Path for the Military.” allAfrica.
16 October 2012.
<http://allafrica.com/stories/201210160393.html?viewall=1>
Joseph-
ReplyDelete"There is hope for Nigeria if Jonathan will deflect perceptions of corruption by publishing his own assets, assuaging ethnic tensions perpetuated by his own ethnic group, and implementing policies more accommodating to the poor populace rather than the elite."- This seems like quite a tall order for the president to accomplish in his term.